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Goldstone

What’s really on trial in the Goldstone Report?

By Consul Joel Lion, Spokesperson for the Consulate General of Israel in New York

(JTA) The No. 1 priority of any government is to protect its citizens, whether it be from times of economic instability, crime or foreign threats.

Stimulus packages and rebates are given to constituents to spur the economy. Additional police forces are deployed to counter crime. But what is a country to do when being attacked by a foreign army?

The answer to this question seems simple: defend its citizens by all means possible. But for Israel, doing so means condemnation by the world in the form of the Goldstone report. continue reading…

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As the UN discusses the Goldstone Report, Defense Minister Ehud Barak took the bold step to set the record straight and speak directly to the people in a published op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, declaring, “It was my duty as defense minister to stop Hamas rockets.” 

Ehud Barak

At the U.N., Terrorism Pays

This week the United Nation’s Human Rights Council produced a 600-page report alleging that Israel carried out war crimes in Gaza. The Goldstone Report—named for its chief investigator Richard Goldstone—also asserts that Israel’s motives for its operation against Hamas nine months ago were purely political. I am outraged by these accusations. Let me explain why.

It is the duty of every nation to defend itself. This is a basic obligation that all responsible governments owe their citizens. Israel is no different.

After enduring eight years of ongoing rocket fire—in which 12,000 missiles were launched against our cities, and after all diplomatic efforts to stop this barrage failed—it was my duty as defense minister to do something about it. It’s as simple and self-evident as the right to self-defense.

While such logic eluded Mr. Goldstone and his team, it was crystal clear to the thousands of Israeli children living in southern Israel who had to study, play, eat and sleep while being preoccupied about the distance to the nearest bomb shelter. When I accompanied then-presidential candidate Barack Obama on his visit to the shelled city of Sderot, he said “If somebody was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop that. And I would expect Israelis to do the same thing.” Too bad the Human Rights Council wasn’t listening.

Whenever we are forced to defend our own lives, it is our obligation to do so in a way that ensures that the lives of innocent civilians on the other side are protected. This duty becomes extremely difficult when we have to face an enemy that intentionally deploys its forces in densely populated areas, stores its explosives in private homes, and launches rockets from crowded school yards and mosques. In Gaza, we reached out to the civilians via millions of leaflets, telephone calls and text messages urging them to leave areas before we acted.

So when the Goldstone mission gathers testimony from local residents in Hamas-ruled Gaza, but forgets to ask them whether they happened to notice any armed Palestinians during the Israeli operation, or didn’t realize that its impartially chosen witnesses happened to be known Hamas operatives according to Israeli intelligence, I begin to question the methodology of such a “fact-finding” effort.

Although I am incensed by the Goldstone Report, I must admit that I was not surprised. It is, more than anything else, a political statement—not a legal analysis.

This shameful document was produced by the Human Rights Council, a body whose obsession with Israel has led it to produce more resolutions condemning Israel than all other countries combined. By its lights, the evils of Israel far outweigh those of countries like Burma, Sudan and North Korea.

In its blind zeal to demonize Israel, the council has produced a document that undermines every other democracy struggling to defend itself against terrorism. The message broadcast by this report to the new world order? Terrorism pays.

Yet, an accusation, however ludicrous, is still an accusation, and it mustn’t remain unanswered.

If the U.N. or anyone else has complaints, they should direct them towards the Israeli government. I have in-depth knowledge about the extent of the Israel Defense Forces’ (IDF) efforts to reduce civilian casualties, and I am convinced that the actions our government took are equal to or exceed actions taken by the armed forces of any other democratic nation. Strikes against extremely valuable Hamas targets were aborted in mid-operation due to the unexpected presence of civilians.

Hundreds of thousands of warnings of impending IDF activity were provided to the population by leaflet, radio, telephone and text messages. Humanitarian supplies were allowed to flow into Gaza despite the fact that Hamas shelled the convoys and confiscated the aid they carried.

Israel is not perfect. As much as we as a society try to uphold the IDF’s ethical code, mistakes sometimes happen and deviations from procedure occur. Whether we like it or not, Israel is one of the most scrutinized countries in the world. And when we are told that things may not be right, we check it out and, when necessary, prosecute those involved. We are now pursuing two dozen criminal investigations regarding events that occurred in Gaza. We don’t need the Human Rights Council, Richard Goldstone, or anyone else to teach us how to maintain the democratic principles which are our lifeblood.

As sobering as the thought may be, terrorists will welcome this report. It has made their work much easier, and the work of their potential victims more difficult.

I believe that the time has come for us to put an end to this calculated erosion of common sense. The nations that share democratic values must not allow themselves to be handcuffed by the abusive application of lofty ideals. Democracies should be concentrating on defending themselves from extremism—not from accusations by kangaroo courts.

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Sderot Child

As the Goldstone Report was released on September 15th, it must be reminded that even before the investigation, the mission ignored the thousands of Hamas missile attacks on civilians in southern Israel which made the Gaza Operation necessary.

Both the mandate of the Mission and the resolution establishing it prejudged the outcome of any investigation, gave legitimacy to the Hamas terrorist organization and disregarded the deliberate Hamas strategy of using Palestinian civilians as cover for launching terrorist attacks.

The unbalanced nature of the resolution establishing the Mission was the reason that so many States on the Council, including all member states of the European Union, Switzerland, Canada, Korea and Japan, did not support it, and why many distinguished individuals, including former High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, refused invitations to head the Mission.

Notwithstanding its reservations, Israel will read the Report carefully – as it does with all reports prepared by international and national organizations. Israel is committed to acting fully in accordance with international law and to examining any allegations of wrongdoing by its own forces.

Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has launched a special website which provides factual information addressing the legal and political context of the conflict in Gaza, the issue of Gaza war crimes, the issue of human rights and the investigations into the Israeli military conduct during combat.

The website discusses various issues relating to the Israeli military operation undertaken by the Israel Defense Force (IDF), better known as “Operation Cast Lead” or “The Gaza Operation” in December 2008-January 2009.

The website can be found at:

http://www.mfa.gov.il/GAZAFACTS

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with President Barack Obama today at the White House. Below is a transcript of what they had to say.

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA AND BENJAMIN NETANYAHU, PRIME MINISTER OF ISRAEL, AFTER THEIR MEETING

THE WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON, D.C.
2:06 P.M. EDT, MONDAY, MAY 18, 2009

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, listen, I first of all want to thank Prime Minister Netanyahu for making this visit. I think we had a extraordinarily productive series of conversations, not only between the two of us but also at the staff and agency levels.

Obviously this reflects the extraordinary relationship, the special relationship, between the United States and Israel. It is a stalwart ally of the United States. We have historical ties, emotional ties. As the only true democracy in the Middle East, it is a source of admiration and inspiration for the American people.

I have said from the outset that when it comes to my policies, towards Israel and the Middle East, that Israel’s security is paramount. And I repeated that to Prime Minister Netanyahu. It is in U.S. national security interests to assure that Israel’s security as a independent, Jewish state is maintained.
One of the areas that we discussed is the deepening concern around the potential pursuit of a nuclear weapon, by Iran, something that the Prime Minister has been very vocal in his concerns about. But it’s a concern that is shared by his countrymen and women, across the political spectrum.

I indicated to him the view of our administration that Iran is a country of extraordinary history and extraordinary potential, that we want them to be a full-fledged member of the international community and be in a position to provide opportunities and prosperity, for their people, but that the way to achieve those goals is not through the pursuit of a nuclear weapon.

And I indicated to Prime Minister Netanyahu, in private, what I have said publicly, which is that Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon would not only be a threat to Israel and a threat to the United States but would be profoundly destabilizing in the international community, as a whole, and could set off a nuclear arms race, in the Middle East, that would be extraordinarily dangerous for all concerned, including for Iran.
We are engaged in a process to reach out to Iran and persuade them that it is not in their interest to pursue a nuclear weapon and that they should change course.

But I assured the prime minister that we are not foreclosing a range of steps, including much stronger international sanctions, in assuring that Iran understands that we are serious. And obviously the prime minister emphasized his seriousness around this issue as well. And I’ll allow him to speak for himself on that subject.

We also had an extensive discussion about the possibilities of restarting serious negotiations on the issue of Israel and the Palestinians. I’ve said before and I will repeat again that it is, I believe, in the interest not only of the Palestinians but also the Israelis and the United States and the international community to achieve a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians are living side by side in peace and security.

We have seen progress stalled on this front. And I suggested to the prime minister that he has a historic opportunity to get a serious movement on this issue during his tenure. That means that all the parties involved have to take seriously obligations that they previously agreed to.

Those obligations were outlined in the road map. They were discussed extensively in Annapolis.

And I think that we can — that there is no reason why we should not seize this opportunity and this moment for all the parties concerned to take seriously those obligations and to move forward in a way that — that assures Israel’s security, that’s — stops the terrorist attacks that have been such a source of pain and hardship — that we can stop rocket attacks on Israel — but that also allow Palestinians to govern themselves as an independent state that allows economic development to take place, that allows them to make serious progress in meeting the aspirations of their people. And I am confident that in the days, weeks and months to come, that we are going to be able to make progress on that issue.

So let me just summarize by saying that I think Prime Minister Netanyahu has the benefit of having served as prime minister previously. He has both youth and wisdom.

PRIME MIN. NETANYAHU: Well, I don’t dispute youth, so that’s good. (Chuckles.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: — and I think is in a position to achieve the security objectives of Israel, but also bring about historic peace. And I’m confident that he’s going to seize this moment and the United States is going to do everything we can to be constructive, effective partners in this process.

Mr. Prime Minister?

PRIME MIN. NETANYAHU: President Obama, thank you. Thank you for your friendship to Israel and your friendship to me. You’re a great leader — a great leader of the United States, a great leader of the world — a great friend of Israel, and someone who’s acutely cognizant of our security concerns. And the entire people of Israel appreciate it, and I speak on their behalf.

We — we met before, but this is the first time that we’re meeting as president and as prime minister. And so I was particularly pleased in your reaffirmation of the special relationship between Israel and the United States.

We share the same goal and we face the same threats. The common goal is peace. Everybody in Israel, as in the United States, wants peace. The common threat we face are terrorist regimes and organizations that seek to undermine the peace and endanger both our peoples.

In this context, the worst danger we face is that Iran would develop nuclear military capabilities. Iran openly calls for our destruction, which is unacceptable from any standard. It threatens the moderate Arab regimes in the Middle East. It threatens U.S. interests worldwide. But if Iran were to acquire nuclear weapons, it could give a nuclear umbrella to terrorists, or worse, could actually give terrorists nuclear weapons. And that would put us all in great peril.

So in that context, I — I very much appreciate, Mr. President, your firm commitment to ensure that Iran does not develop nuclear military capability, and also your statement that you’re leaving all options on the table.

I share with you very much the desire to move the peace process forward. And I want to start peace negotiations with the Palestinians immediately. I would like to broaden the circle of peace to include others in the Arab world, if we could, Mr. President. It’s a distant vision, but one that we shouldn’t let go. Maybe peace with the entire Arab world.

I want to make it clear that we don’t want to govern the Palestinians. We want to live in peace with them. We want them to govern themselves, absent a handful of powers that could endanger the state of Israel.

And for this there has to be a clear goal. The goal has to be an end to conflict. There will have to be compromises by Israelis and Palestinians alike. We’re ready to do our share. We hope the Palestinians will do their share, as well.

If we resume negotiations, as we plan to do, then I think that the Palestinians will — will have to recognize Israel as a Jewish state, will have to also enable Israel to have the means to defend itself.

And if those conditions are met — if Israel’s security conditions are met and there’s recognition of Israel’s legitimacy — its permanent legitimacy — then I think we can envision an arrangement where Palestinians and Israelis live side by side in dignity and security and in peace. And I look forward, Mr. President, to working with you — a true friend of Israel — to the achievement of our common goals, which are security, prosperity and, above all, peace.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.

We’re going to take a couple of questions. We’re going to start with you, Steve.

Q Mr. President, you spoke at length, as did the prime minister, about Iran’s nuclear program. Your program of engagement — policy of engagement, how long is that going to last? Is there a deadline?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: You know, I — I don’t want to set an artificial deadline. I think it’s important to recognize that Iran is in the midst of its own elections. As I think all of you — since you’re all political reporters — are familiar with, election time is not always the best time to get business done. Their elections will be completed in June, and we are hopeful that, at that point, there is going to be a serious process of engagement, first through the P-5- plus-one process that’s already in place, potentially through additional direct talks between the United States and Iran.

I want to reemphasize what I said earlier, that I believe it is not only in the interest of the international community that Iran not develop nuclear weapons, I firmly believe it is in Iran’s interest not to develop nuclear weapons because it would trigger a nuclear arms race in the Middle East and be profoundly destabilizing in all sorts of ways. Iran can achieve its interests of security and international respect and prosperity for its people through other means, and I am prepared to make what I believe will be a persuasive argument that there should be a different course to be taken.

The one thing we’re also aware of is the fact that the history, at least, of negotiations with Iran is that there is a lot of talk but not always action and follow through. And that’s why it is important for us, I think, without having set an artificial deadline, to be mindful of the fact that we’re not going to have talks forever.

We’re not going to create a situation in which talks become an excuse for inaction while Iran proceeds with developing a nuclear — and deploying a nuclear weapon. That’s something, obviously, Israel’s concerned about, but it’s also a — a — an issue of concern for the United States and for the international community as a whole.

My expectation would be that, if we can begin discussions soon, shortly after the Iranian elections, we should have a fairly good sense by the end of the year as to whether they are moving in the right direction and whether the parties involved are making progress, and that there’s a good-faith effort to resolve differences. That doesn’t mean that every issue would be resolved by that point, but it does mean that we’ll probably be able to gauge and do a reassessment by the end of the year of this approach. Okay?

You want to call on one of your –

PRIME MIN. NETANYAHU: (Okay ?).

Q (Thank you ?). Mr. President, aren’t you concerned that your outstretched hand has been — (off mike) — especially Ahmadinejad, Musharraf, much equivalent — (off mike) — by the deadline? If engagement fails, what then, Mr. President?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, it’s not clear to me why my outstretched hand would be interpreted as weakness.

Q (Off mike).

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I’m sorry?

Q (Off mike) — and would — (off mike) — be on your side — (off mike) — Iran.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Oh, I — I — I think — I’d — yeah, I’m — I’m not sure about that interpretation.

I — look. We’ve been in office a little over a hundred days now, close to four months. We have put forward a clear principle that, where we can resolve issues through negotiations and diplomacy, we should. We didn’t expect, and I don’t think anybody in the international community — or anybody in the Middle East, for that matter — would expect that 30 years of antagonism and suspicion between Iran and the United States would be resolved in four months. So we think it’s very important for us to give this a chance.

Now, understand that part of the reason that it’s so important for us to take a diplomatic approach is that the approach that we’ve been taking, which is no diplomacy, obviously has not worked. Nobody disagrees with that.

Hamas and Hezbollah have gotten stronger. Iran has been pursuing its nuclear capabilities undiminished. And so not talking — that clearly hasn’t worked. That — that’s what’s been tried.

And so what we’re going to do is try something new, which is actually engaging and reaching out to the Iranians. The important thing is to make sure that there is a clear timetable of — at which point we say these talks don’t seem to be making any serious progress. It hasn’t been tried before, so we don’t want to prejudge that. But as I said, by the end of the year, I think we should have some sense as to whether or not these discussions are starting to yield significant benefits, whether we’re starting to see serious movement on the part of the Iranians.

If that hasn’t taken place, then I think the international community will see that it’s not the United States or Israel or other countries that are seeking to isolate or victimize Iran; rather it is Iran itself which is isolating itself by willing to — being unwilling to engage in serious discussions about how they can preserve their security without threatening other people’s security, which ultimately is what we want to achieve.

We want to achieve a situation where all countries in the region can pursue economic development and commercial ties and trade, and — and do so without the threat that their populations are going to be subject to bombs and — and — and destruction. That’s what I think the prime minister is interested in, that’s what I’m interested in, and I hope that ends up being what the — the ruling officials in Iran are interested in as well.

Don Gonyea. Where’s Don?

Q There he is.

Q Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, can you react to King Abdullah’s statements of a week ago that we really are at a critical place in the conflict and that if this moment isn’t seized and if peace isn’t achieved now, soon, that in a year, year and a half, we could see renewed major conflict, perhaps war? Do you agree with that assessment?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Why don’t you start?

PRIME MIN. NETANYAHU: I think we have to seize the moment. And I think we’re fortunate in having a leader like President Obama and a new government in Israel and perhaps a new understanding, in the Arab world, that I haven’t seen in my lifetime.

And you’re very kind to me, calling me young, but I’m more than half-a-century old. And in my 59 years, in the life of the Jewish state, there has never been a time when Arabs and Israelis see a common threat the way we see it today and also see the need to join together, in working towards peace, while simultaneously defending ourselves against this common threat.

I think we have — we have ways to capitalize on this sense of urgency. And we’re prepared to move, with the president and with others in the Arab world, if they’re prepared to move as well.

And I think the important thing that we discussed, among other things, is how to buttress the Israeli-Palestinian peace tracks, which we want to resume right away, with participation from others, in the Arab world, how we give confidence to each other that we’re changing the reality, changing the reality on the ground, changing political realities top down as well, while we work to broaden the circle of peace.

So I think that the sense of urgency that King Abdullah expressed is shared by me and shared by many others. And I definitely know it’s shared by President Obama.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Look, I think, there’s an extraordinary opportunity. And the prime minister said it well.

You have Arab states in the region — the Jordanians, the Egyptians, the Saudis — who, I think, are looking for an opportunity, to break this long-standing impasse, but aren’t sure how to do it and share concerns about Iran’s potential development of a nuclear weapon.

In order for us to potentially realign interests in the region in a constructive way, bolstering — to use the prime minister’s word — the Palestinian-Israeli peace track is critical. It will not be easy. It never has been easy.

In discussions, I don’t think the prime minister would mind me saying to him or saying publicly what I — I said privately, which is that there is a recognition that the Palestinians are going to have to do a better job providing the kinds of security assurances that Israelis would need to achieve a two-state solution; that, you know, the leadership of the Palestinians will have to gain additional legitimacy and credibility with their own people, and delivering services. And that’s something that the United States and Israel can be helpful in seeing them accomplish. The other Arab states have to be more supportive and — and be bolder in seeking potential normalization with Israel. And next week I will have the Palestinian Authority president, Abbas, as well as President Mubarak here, and I will deliver that message to them.

Now, Israel is going to have to take some difficult steps as well. And I shared with the prime minister the fact that, under the road map and under Annapolis, there is clear understanding that we have to make progress on settlements; that settlements have to be stopped in order for us to move forward. That’s a difficult issue. I recognize that. But it’s an important one, and it has to be addressed.

I think the humanitarian situation in Gaza has to be addressed. Now, I — I was along the border in — in Sderot and saw the evidence of weapons that had been raining down on the heads of innocents in those Israeli cities, and that’s unacceptable. And so we’ve got to work with the Egyptians to deal with the smuggling of weapons, and — and it has to be meaningful, because no prime minister of any country is going to tolerate missiles raining down on their citizens’ heads.

On the other hand, the fact is — is that if the people of Gaza have no hope, if they can’t even get clean water at this point, if the border closures are so tight that it is impossible for reconstruction and humanitarian efforts to take place, then that is not going to be a recipe for Israel’s long-term security or a constructive peace track to move forward.

So all these things are going to have to come together, and it’s going to be difficult. But the one thing that I’ve committed to the prime minister is, we are going to be engaged. The United States is going to roll up our sleeves. We want to be a strong partner in this process.

I have great confidence in Prime Minister Netanyahu’s political skills but also his historical vision and his recognition that during the years that he is prime minister this second go-round, he is probably going to be confronted with as many important decisions about the long-term strategic interests of Israel as any prime minister that we’ve seen in a very long time. And I have great confidence that he’s going to rise to the occasion, and I actually think that you’re going to see movement in — among Arab states that we have not seen before.

But the trick is to try to coordinate all this in a very delicate political environment. And that’s why I’m so pleased to have George Mitchell, who is standing behind the scrum there, as our special envoy, because I’m very confident that, as somebody was involved in equally delicate negotiations in Northern Ireland, he’s somebody who — who recognizes that if you apply patience and determination and you keep your eye on the long-term goal that the prime minister articulated, which is a wide-ranging peace, not a grudging peace, not a transitory peace, but a wide-ranging regional peace, that we can make — make great progress.

MR. : Thank you, sir.

Q Mr. President, the Israeli prime minister and the Israeli administration have said on many occasions — on some occasions that only if the Iranian threat will be solved, they can achieve a real progress on the Palestinian track.

Do you agree — just with that kind of linkage?

And to the Israeli prime minister, you were speaking about the political track. Are you willing to get into final-status issues, negotiations like borders, like Jerusalem, in the near future, based on the two-state solution? And do you still hold this opinion about the linkage between the Iranian threat and your ability to achieve any progress on the Palestinian track?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, let me say this. There is no doubt that it is difficult for any Israeli government to — to negotiate in a situation in which they feel under immediate threat. That — that’s not conductive to negotiations. And as I’ve said before, I recognize Israel’s legitimate concerns about the possibility of Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon when they have a president who has in the past said that Israel should not exist. That would give any leader of any country pause.

Having said that, if there is a linkage between Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, I personally believe it actually runs the other way. To the extent that we can make peace with the Palestinians — between the Palestinians and the Israelis, then I actually think it strengthens our hand in the international community in dealing with a potential Iranian threat.

Having said that, I think that dealing with Iran’s potential nuclear capacity is something that we should be doing even if there already was peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. And I think that pursuing Israeli-Palestinian peace is something that is in Israel’s security interests and the United States’ national security interests, even if Iran was not pursuing a nuclear weapon. They’re both important, and we have to move aggressively on both fronts.

And I think that, based on my conversations with Prime Minister Netanyahu, he agrees with me that they’re both important. That’s not to say that he’s not making a calculation — as he should — about what are some of the most immediate threats to Israel’s security, and I understand that. But, look, imagine how much less mischief a Hezbollah or a Hamas could do if in fact we had moved a Palestinian- Israeli track in a direction that gave the Palestinian people hope. And if Hezbollah and Hamas is weakened, imagine how that impacts Iran’s ability to make mischief, and vice-versa. I mean, so obviously these things are — are related, but they are important separately.

And I’m confident that the United States working with Israel can make progress on both fronts.

Q Thank you.

PRIME MIN. NETANYAHU: We’ve had extraordinarily friendly and constructive talks here today. And I’m very grateful to you, Mr. President, for that.

We want to move peace forward. And we want to ward off the great threats. There isn’t a policy linkage. And that’s what I hear the president saying. And that’s what I’m saying too and I’ve always said.

There’s not a policy linkage between pursuing simultaneously peace, between Israel and the Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world, and trying to deal with removing the threat of a nuclear Iran.

There are causal links. The president talked about one of them. It would help obviously unite a broad front, against Iran, if we had peace between Israel and the Palestinians. And conversely if Iran went nuclear it would threaten the progress towards peace and destabilize the entire area and threaten the existing peace agreement.

So it’s very clear to us. I think we actually — we don’t see closely on this. We see exactly eye to eye on this that we want to move simultaneously and in parallel on two fronts: the front of peace and the front of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear capabilities.

On the front of peace, the important thing for me is to resume negotiations as rapidly as possible. And to — my view is less one of terminology than one of substance.

I mean, I ask myself, what do we end up with? If we end up with another Gaza — the president just described, to you, those rockets falling out of Gaza — that is something we don’t want to happen. Because a terror base next to our cities that doesn’t call — recognize Israel’s existence, calls for our destruction and acts for our destruction is not our view of peace.

If however the Palestinians recognize Israel as the Jewish state, if they — if they fight terror, they educate their children for peace and to a better future, then I think we can come at a substantive solution that allows the two peoples to live side by side in security and peace.

And I add prosperity because I’m a great believer in this.

So I think the — the terminology will take care of itself if we have the substantive understanding. And I think — I think we can move forward on this. I have great confidence in — in your leadership, Mr. President, and in your friendship to my country, and in your championing of peace and security. And the answer is both come together. Peace and security are intertwined. They’re inseparable. And I look forward, Mr. President, to working with you to achieve both.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good.

Thank you, everybody.

We were made aware of this fascinating article from the UMass Daily Collegian about Amit Rom, an 18-year-old Israeli working to make a difference in his country.  Of all things, he decided to volunteer in Sderot schools to help the kids there cope with the trauma of incoming rockets.  A great quote to close:

Just because the city is bombed, it doesn’t mean [the people] don’t need us to plan activities or for us to be with them,” Rom said. “In fact, they need it more. Every kid you talk to just wants someone to be there for them.

With the resumption of some rocket fire from Gaza onto Sderot, the town is once again making headlines. Sderot recently inaugurated a fortified play space for local children–complete with bomb shelters alongside the jungle gym –so kids would be able to experience some semblance of normality. Here’s what the Washington Post had to say on the subject:

In Sderot, the uncertainty about when and where the next explosion might occur hangs over the town. Homes are renovated to include blast rooms. A warning system — a woman’s voice calling out “Color Red” — in place of a siren that many found disturbing — is meant to provide a few seconds for people to seek cover.

For Israelis, “the numbers injured psychologically are much higher” than those wounded by the blast or shrapnel, [Eli] Ovitz said. “I am sure the children of Gaza are traumatized as well.”

Lionel, the host of The Lionel Show on Air America, has begun blogging from Israel and sending videos of his travels in Sderot and the surrounding areas.  You can check him out here, as he visits a house struck by rockets and shares his impressions with his audience.

The crowd of rally-goers came dressed in red coats and sweaters to symbolically amplify the “Red Alert” alarm that the residents of Sderot, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Be’er Sheva, Kiryat Malachi, and other cities are suffering through.


Photo Credit: David Saranga

Photo Credit: David Saranga

This morning, as crowds gather in NYC to support Israel, we are bringing you live photos as they happen.

The crowd of more than 11,000 rally-goers came dressed in red coats and sweaters to symbolically amplify the “Red Alert” alarm that the residents of Sderot, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Be’er Sheva, Kiryat Malachi, and other cities are suffering through. Stay tuned for special photos from the ground as NYC creatively captures the attention of the media to the plight of civilians in Southern Israel.

All photos are the property of the Consulate General of Israel in New York. We are hereby allowing the publication of these pictures for any non-commercial use, following Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States license. Please make sure to attribute all photos to the credited photographer.  For photographs in full resolution, please contact us.

Creative Commons License

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. continue reading…

The UN Security Council has been discussing Gaza in recent days in an attempt to find a means of addressing the situation through diplomatic channels. Below is a statement from the Israeli Ambassador, Gabriela Shalev, to the Security Council, given on Tuesday, 06 January. continue reading…

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