With the world once again focused on the process of Arab- Israeli reconciliation and hopefully, one day, peace, we’d like to take a moment to recommend a recently published contextual piece in HAARETZ (see below). Written by David Govrin, director of the Islam department at the diplomatic planning division of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the article offers a birds eye view of the current round of talks, declarations, and rapprochements within the framework of the entire region in the hopes of giving the expert and novice alike a comprehensive perspective in which to follow along. Perhaps all the ducks are beginning to line-up in what could be an opportunistic row and we may be on the verge of a new Arab-Israeli relationship. Let us hope that this is indeed the case.

From Haaretz:

Between Tehran and Jerusalem

By David Govrin

The visit to Israel last week by the foreign ministers of Egypt and Jordan, coming as official representatives of the Arab League, was a historic event. The visit, which was the first time that such a delegation had met with members of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, was aimed at advancing the Arab peace initiative and creating momentum that would enable the sides to move toward implementation of the vision of two states, Israeli and Palestinian, living side by side in peace.

What began as the Saudi initiative, when it was first published in 2001 and adopted by all of the members of the Arab League, is the first peace proposal in the history of the Israeli-Arab conflict to have been proposed by the Arab League countries. Until recently, it did not seem to be on its way to implementation, in part because Israel did not see in it a proper a basis for negotiations. Now though, it may be on track, after the Arab collective created for the first time, at the Riyadh summit in March, a mechanism for dialogue with Israel in the context of the initiative. The two foreign ministers visited Israel against the background of a new geo-strategic reality, which is characterized by increasing Iranian involvement in the region.

Just a few weeks before the visit, Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip. This takeover, which was accomplished with Iran’s support, was another link in what is being perceived as a chain of successes by radical Islamic elements in the region. Hamas rule in the Gaza Strip has posed a new challenge not only for Israel but also for Jordan and Egypt, in both of which the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas’ mother movement, constitutes opposition to the regime. The inspiration that the Hamas victory in Gaza could provide the radical Islamic movements in Jordan, Egypt, the Gulf and North African states is obvious to their rulers.
The moderate Arab countries’ anxieties about the expansion of Iran’s influence, by way of its allies in the Palestinian Authority, Iraq and Lebanon, is ostensibly creating an identity of interests between the former and Israel. Both want to ensure stability and prevent a decline into civil war in the PA, as well as ensure sectarian and ethnic reconciliation and preserve the state framework in Iraq and Lebanon. From this derive various operational steps, among them the advancing of diplomatic initiatives that will establish the status of the moderate elements and strengthen the hands of the central governments and the security mechanisms that are subordinate to them.

These developments are taking place against the background of what looks like a “cold war” between the Arab world’s Sunni and Shi’ite camps. The Shi’ites, who constitute 10 to 15 percent of all the Muslims in the Arab world, see the strengthening of Iran as an opportunity to challenge the balance of power between them and the Sunni majority. The transfer of Iraq to Shi’ite control, for the first time in its history, constitutes a first step for them on the way to a comprehensive change in the balance in the region. Giving expression to the Shi’ite demographic majority and the translation of this into significant political representation in the government of Lebanon headed by Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, or alternatively the toppling of that government by Hezbollah and its followers, fit into this strategy very well. This forecast is worrying the Sunni leadership, headed by the Saudis.

It is noteworthy that, in the context of the spread of Islamic radicalism in the region, the Sunni regimes are seeing Israel more and more as part of the solution, rather than part of the problem. Nevertheless, it appears that there is a gap between the Arab rulers who are interested in advancing a regional initiative with Israel, even without formal recognition of it, and public opinion. The Islamic circles and the secular Arab nationalist elements alike are drawing encouragement from the Lebanon War, from what is perceived as the United States’ failure in Iraq and from the Iranian policy of challenging the West, and are acting to advance the strategy of “resistance” to Israel.

Yet it is precisely in these circumstances that voices in the Arab world are being heard against the “resistance” school, the culture of death and the cult of hatred, which together have expressed themselves in the acts of vengeance, torture and humiliation that Hamas people have carried out against Fatah people. The liberal circles in the Arab countries understand very well that radical elements must not be allowed to dictate the agenda and the values of Arab society. It appears that these circles are expecting recognition and help from the Western countries and Israel, since only a joint struggle will enable the creation of conditions for dialogue, reconciliation and stability in the Middle East.

The writer is the director of the Islam department at the diplomatic planning division of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.